NATO chief says allies to join anti-IS coalition

- NATO's chief affirmed Thursday that the alliance will join the international coalition fighting the Islamic State group but will not wage direct war against the extremists -- an announcement timed for U.S. President Donald Trump's first appearance at a summit of the alliance's leaders.

   In the wake of this week's suicide bomb attack at a concert in Manchester, NATO leaders are keen to show that the alliance born in the Cold War is responding to today's security threats as they meet in Brussels. Trump has questioned its relevance and pushed members to do more to defend themselves.
   Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said Thursday that joining the U.S.-led anti-Islamic State coalition "will send a strong political message of NATO's commitment to the fight against terrorism and also improve our coordination within the coalition."
   But he underlined that "it does not mean that NATO will engage in combat operations." 
   All 28 NATO allies are individual members of the 68-nation anti-IS coalition. But some, notably France and Germany, have feared that NATO officially joining it might upset decision-making within the coalition or alienate Middle East countries taking part.
   Stoltenberg said that joining would send a strong political signal.
   As part of its efforts to respond to Trump's demand to do more to fight terrorism, NATO will also set up a counter-terrorism intelligence cell to improve information-sharing.
   It will notably focus on so-called foreign fighters who travel from Europe to train or fight with extremists in Iraq and Syria.
   After a working dinner at Thursday's summit, the leaders are also set to announce the appointment of an anti-terror coordinator to oversee their efforts, and increase the number of flight hours of a surveillance plane watching the skies over northern Iraq and Syria.
   Another big item on the NATO agenda is Trump's challenge to other countries to up their military spending. Leaders will agree to submit annual action plans laying out how they plan to meet NATO's spending goals. The plans would also describe what kind of military equipment they intend to invest in, and what contributions they will make to operations.
   Stoltenberg refused to be drawn into a row between the United States and Britain after leaked photos from the Manchester bomb scene appeared in The New York Times.
   He said the dispute over leaked intelligence is a "bilateral issue," but noted that within NATO "sharing intelligence is based on trust."
It sounds strange to characterize the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a huge gun club, but the comparison can be useful in understanding the world's biggest military alliance.
   Like many gun clubs, NATO actually has no weapons of its own. The battleships, war planes, missiles and potential pool of more than 3 million personnel are owned and brought to the range by the 28 member states, mostly at their own cost. The only military equipment NATO has is a fleet of early warning radar planes and, from next year, five surveillance drones.
   Here's a look at how NATO works and why it matters:
   This club, with main headquarters in Brussels and military HQ in Mons, Belgium, is open to any European nation that wants to join and can meet the requirements and obligations. Montenegro is set to join soon. Bosnia-Herzegovina, Georgia and Macedonia are waiting in line.
   The Soviet Union, during the Cold War, and Russia now have been major preoccupations since the organization was founded in 1949, and in many ways remain NATO's reason for existing.
   The United States is without doubt the biggest and most influential member. It spends more on its own military budget than all the others combined. It also pays just over 22 percent of NATO common funding for infrastructure and collectively owned equipment. So Washington has a big say in how things are run.
   Smaller allies long to train and work with U.S. forces because it gives them access to equipment and expertise they cannot afford alone.
   But NATO's decisions are made by consensus and there is no majority voting of any kind. This means that Albania, for example, has a veto just as final as Washington's.
   The alliance's meetings -- the North Atlantic Council, held at ambassadorial level almost weekly in Brussels, less often at the level of ministers or heads of state and government -- are chaired by NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg.
   In essence, Stoltenberg runs the headquarters located near the Brussels airport, which is shifting just over the road this year to new premises being inaugurated by NATO leaders Thursday and estimated to have cost more than 1 billion euros.
   He does not order the allies around. His job is to encourage consensus and speak on their behalf publicly as a single voice representing all 28 members.
   With the United States clearly able to take care of itself most of the time in military terms, many wonder why Americans should even care about NATO.
   But the alliance is the one international forum where Washington agrees to put its military might up for negotiation and can be persuaded to act differently by its allies.
   It's also an organization that uses plenty of U.S. taxpayer dollars. That money, in part, drives military spending and defense research and so provides plenty of jobs.
   On the ground, NATO has notably helped to keep peace in the Balkans and combat the Taliban-led insurgency in war-torn Afghanistan -- the alliance's biggest ever operation, launched after the United States triggered its "all for one and one for all" common defense clause in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.
   It is the only time the clause, known as Article 5, has been activated.
   While the Soviet Union is long gone, NATO continues to see Russia as a security threat and to offer protection to concerned member states near Russia's borders.
   NATO is now joining the international coalition fighting the Islamic State group and setting up a counter-terrorism intelligence cell to improve information-sharing. It will notably focus on so-called foreign fighters who travel from Europe to train or fight with extremists in Iraq and Syria.


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